Blago in a Bind

5 comments June 5th, 2008

Gov. Blagojevich insists there’s a $2.1 billion hole in the budget lawmakers approved on Saturday.

Yet, he has not vetoed — or even threatened to veto — that spending plan. Nor has he called — or threatened to call — lawmakers back to Springfield in special session, as he did repeatedly last year. Remember that circus?

So what gives?

First and foremost, Blagojevich is far more politically vulnerable this summer than he was last summer (if you can imagine that). The trial of Tony Rezko, Blagojevich’s former fundraiser and adviser, is now complete, with Rezko found guilty on 16 of 24 counts.

The feds clearly signaled during that trial, which lasted most of the spring, their keen interest in Blagojevich’s activities. Witness after witness testified about Rezko’s extraordinary influence over Blagojevich’s administration. Rezko hand-picked workers and advisers for the governor. Lon Monk, the governor’s former-chief-of-staff-turned-lobbyist, allegedly checked with Rezko before the governor’s office made decisions.

Oh yeah, and there was that pair of $25,000 donationsAli Ata made to Blagojevich just as Blagojevich gave Ata a high-ranking state post.

Meanwhile, certain House Democrats are clamoring to begin impeachmentproceedings against the wounded governor. House Speaker Michael Madigan, D-Chicago, coyly acknowledged Saturday night that his legal counsel had already researched the law on impeachment. Madigan added that “60 votes” in the House is all it requires to impeach the governor.

It just so happens that the Illinois Constitution says lawmakers may consider three matters during a special session called by the governor — the subject of the governor’s order, “impeachments” and confirmation of appointments.

The Governor may convene the General Assembly or the
Senate alone in special session by a proclamation stating the
purpose of the session; and only business encompassed by such
purpose, together with any impeachments or confirmation of
appointments shall be transacted.

Throw into that mix the fact that lawmakers now need a three-fifthsmajority to modify their existing budget plan or approve a new one, making any budget deal far more complicated than it would have been prior to May 31. If Blagojevich vetoes the budget, it could take weeks or months for lawmakers to put that budget back together. And if lawmakers spend weeks of months wrestling through another summertime session, chances are good that they will talk seriously about impeachment.

Blagojevich, at least at this juncture, does not appear willing to go there.

And then there’s the political interest of Blagojevich’s ally, Senate President Emil Jones Jr., D-Chicago.

Salary increases recommended by an independent board automatically take effect unless they’re voted down by both houses of the General Assembly, which didn’t happen before legislators adjourned for the spring Saturday night. […]

Those increases would raise the basic salary of a state representative and senator more than $7,000 a year to nearly $73,000. Legislative leaders’ compensation would top $100,000, and the governor’s salary would rise $20,000 to $190,000.

The House voted to reject the raises. The Senate never acted, and Senate President Emil Jones has made remarks supporting the additional money. […]

There’s still time for senators to reject the newest recommendation. Lawmakers have 30 session days to act, and four days remain before that deadline.

In other words, senators may need to spend just four more days in Springfield, and their raise automatically goes into effect. (I must note that there is considerable debate about when this 30-day clock expires; there’s even debate over when the clock started ticking. The AP’s “four days” conclusion is just one interpretation I encountered.)

Jones and his Senate Dems likely do not want to be hanging around in Springfield, fighting their way through another budget that they failed to balance during the regular spring session, even as their pay raise becomes effective simply because they refused to vote on whether to reject the raise.

By refusing to call special sessions, Blago can help Jones by pre-empting such a political pickle. If there are no special sessions this summer, the raise won’t go into effect until after the Nov. 4 general election.

You might say Blago is in a bind.